Norman Dodd-The
hidden agenda for world government
Illuminati: The Hidden Agenda for World Government
Ed Griffin interview with Norman Dodd in 1982
The transcript is
printed here below:
ED GRIFFIN: Welcome to The Reality
Zone. I'm Ed Griffin. The story we are about to hear represents a missing piece
in the puzzle of modern history. We are about to hear a man tell us that the
major tax-exempt foundations of America since at least 1945 have been operating
to promote a hidden agenda, and that agenda has nothing to do with the surface
appearance of charity, good works, or philanthropy. This man will tell you that
the real objective has been to influence American educational institutions and
to control foreign policy of the federal government. The purpose of this
control has been to condition Americans to accept the creation of world
government. That government is to be based on the principle of collectivism,
which is another way of saying socialism, and it is to be ruled from behind the
scenes by those same interests which control the tax-exempt foundations. Is
this a believable scenario? Well, the man who tells this story is none other
than Mr. Norman Dodd, who in 1954 was the staff director of the Congressional
Special Committee to Investigate Tax-exempt Foundations, sometimes referred to
as the Reece Committee, in recognition of its chairman, Congressman Carol
Reece. The interview we are about to hear was conducted by me in 1982. I had no
immediate use for the material at that time, but I realized that Mr. Dodd's
story was of great importance, and since he was advanced in age and not in good
health, I wanted to capture his recollections on videotape while he was still
with us. It was a wise decision, because Mr. Dodd did pass away just a short
time afterwards. In later years there was a resurgence of interest in Mr.
Dodd's story, and we released the videotape to the public in 1991. And so what
now follows is the soundtrack taken from the full, unedited interview, broken
occasionally only for a tape change or to omit the sound of a passing airplane.
It stands on its own as an important piece in the puzzle of modern history.
(THE INTERVIEW
FOLLOWS)
ED GRIFFIN: Mr.
Dodd, let's begin this interview with a brief statement. For the record, please
tell us who you are, what is your background and your qualifications to speak
on this subject.
NORMAN DODD:
Well, Mr. Griffin, as to who I am, I am just, as the name implies, an
individual born in New Jersey and educated in private schools, eventually in a
school called Andover in Massachusetts and then Yale university. Running
through my whole period of being brought up and growing up, I have been an
indefatigable reader. I have had one major interest, and that was this country
as I was lead to believe it was originally founded. I entered the world of
business knowing absolutely nothing about how that world operated, and realized
that the only way to find out what that world consisted of would be to become
part of it. I then acquired some experience in the manufacturing world and then
in the world of international communication and finally chose banking as
the field I wished to devote my life to. I was fortunate enough to secure a
position in one of the important banks in New York and
lived there. I lived through the conditions which led up to what is known as
the crash of 1929. I witnessed what was tantamount to the collapse of the
structure of the United States as a whole.
Much to my
surprise, I was confronted by my superiors in the middle of the panic in which
they were immersed. I was confronted with the question: “Norm, what do we do
now?” I was thirty at the time and I had no more right to have an answer to
that question than the man in the moon. However, I did manage to say to my
superiors: “Gentlemen, you take this experience as proof that there's something
you do not know about banking, and you'd better go find out what that something
is and act accordingly.” Four days later I was confronted by the same superiors
with a statement to the effect that, “Norm, you go find out.” And I really was
fool enough to accept that assignment, because it meant that you were going out
to search for something, and nobody could tell you what you were looking for,
but I felt so strongly on the subject that I consented.
I was relieved
of all normal duties inside the bank and two-and-half years later I felt that
it was possible to report back to those who had given me this assignment. And
so, I rendered such a report; and, as a result of the report I rendered. I was
told the following: “Norm, what you're saying is we should return to sound
banking,” and I said, “Yes, in essence, that's exactly what I’m saying.”
Whereupon I got my first shock, which was a statement from them to this effect:
“We will never see sound banking in the United States again.” They cited chapter
and verse to support that statement, and what they cited was as follows: “Since
the end of world war one we have been responsible for what they call the
institutionalizing of conflicting interests, and they are so prevalent inside
this country that they can never be resolved.”
This came to
me as an extraordinary shock because the men who made this statement were men
who were deemed as the most prominent bankers in the country. The bank of which
I was a part, which I’ve spoken of, was a Morgan bank and,
coming from men of that caliber, a statement of that kind made a tremendous
impression on me. The type of impression that it made on me was such that I
wondered if I, as an individual and what they call a junior officer of the
bank, could with the same enthusiasm foster the progress and policies of the
bank. I spent about a year trying to think this out and came to the conclusion
that I would have to resign.
I did resign;
and, as a consequence of that, had this experience. When my letter of resignation
reached the desk of the president of the bank, he sent for me, and I came to
visit with him, and he stated to me: “Norm, I have your letter, but I don't
believe you understand what's happened in the last 10 days.” And I said, “No,
Mr. Cochran, I have no idea what's happened.” “Well,” he said, “the directors
have never been able to get your report to them out of their mind; and, as a
result, they have decided that you as an individual must begin at once and you
must reorganize this bank in keeping with your own ideas.” He then said, “Now,
can I tear up your letter?” Inasmuch as what had been said to me was offering
me, at the age of by then 33, about as fine an opportunity for service to the
country as I could imagine, I said yes. They said they wished me to begin at
once, and I did.
Suddenly, in
the span of about six weeks, I was not permitted to do another piece of work
and, every time I brought the subject up, I was kind of patted on the back and
told, “Stop worrying about it, Norm. Pretty soon you'll be a vice president,
and you'll have quite a handsome salary and ultimately be able to retire on a
very worthwhile pension. In the meantime you can play golf and tennis to your
heart's content on weekends.” Well, Mr. Griffin, I found I couldn't do it. I
spent a year figuratively with my feet on the desk doing nothing and I couldn't
adjust to it so I did resign and, this time, my resignation stuck.
Then I got my
second shock, which was the discovery that the doors of every bank in the United
States were closed to me, and I never could again get a job, as it were, in the
banks. I found myself, for the first time since I graduated from college, out
of a job.
From there on
I followed various branches of the financial world, ranging from investment
counsel to membership of the stock exchange and finally ended as an adviser to
a few individuals who had capital funds to look after. In the meantime, my
major interest became very specific, which was to endeavor by some means of
getting the educational world to actually you might say teach the subject of
economics realistically and move it away from the support of various
speculative activities that characterize our country. I have had that interest,
and you know how, as you generate a specific interest, you find yourself
gravitating toward persons with similar interests, and ultimately I found
myself in the center of the world of dissatisfaction with the directions that
this country was headed. I found myself in contact with many individuals who on
their own had done a vast amount of studying and research in areas, which were
part of the problem.
ED GRIFFIN: At
what point in your career did you become connected with the Reece Committee?
NORMAN DODD:
1953.
ED GRIFFIN: And
what was that capacity, sir?
NORMAN DODD: That
was in the capacity of what they called Director of Research.
ED GRIFFIN: Can
you tell us what the Reece Committee was attempting to do?
NORMAN DODD: Yes,
I can tell you. It was operating and carrying out instructions embodied in a
resolution passed by the House of Representatives, which was to investigate the
activities of foundations as to whether or not these activities could
justifiably be labeled un-American without, I might say, defining what they
meant by "un-American". That was the resolution, and the committee
had then the task of selecting a counsel, and the counsel in turn had the task
of selecting a staff, and he had to have somebody who would direct the work of
that staff, and that was what they meant by the Director of Research.
ED GRIFFIN: What
were some of the details, the specifics that you told the Committee at that
time?
NORMAN DODD:
Well, Mr. Griffin, in that report I specifically, number one, defined what, to
us, was meant by the phrase, "un-American." We defined that in our
way as being a determination to effect changes in the country by
unconstitutional means. We have plenty of constitutional procedures, assuming
we wish to effect a change in the form of government and that sort of thing;
and, therefore, any effort in that direction which did not avail itself of the
procedures which were authorized by the Constitution could be justifiably be
called un-American. That was the start of educating them up to that particular
point. The next thing was to educate them as to the effect on the country as a
whole of the activities of large, endowed foundations over the then-past forty
years.
ED GRIFFIN: What
was that effect?
NORMAN DODD: That
effect was to orient our educational system away from support of the principles
embodied in the Declaration of Independence and implemented in the
Constitution; and the task now was the orientation of education away from these
briefly stated principles and self-evident truths. That's what had been the
effect of the wealth, which constituted the endowments of those foundations
that had been in existence over the largest portion of this span of 50 years,
and holding them responsible for this change. What we were able to bring
forward, what we uncovered, was the determination of these large endowed
foundations, through their trustees, to actually get control over the content
of American education.
ED GRIFFIN:
There's quite a bit of publicity given to your conversation with Rowan Gaither.
Would you please tell us who he was and what was that conversation you had with
him?
NORMAN DODD:
Rowan Gaither was, at that time, president of the Ford Foundation. Mr. Gaither
had sent for me when I found it convenient to be in New York, asked me to call
upon him at his office, which I did. Upon arrival, after a few amenities, Mr.
Gaither said: “Mr. Dodd, we've asked you to come up here today because we
thought that possibly, off the record, you would tell us why the Congress is
interested in the activities of foundations such as ourselves?” Before I could
think of how I would reply to that statement, Mr. Gaither then went on
voluntarily and said:
“Mr. Dodd, all of
us who have a hand in the making of policies here have had experience either
with the OSS during the war or the European Economic Administration after the
war. We've had experience operating under directives, and these directives
emanate and did emanate from the White House. Now, we still operate under just
such directives. Would you like to know what the substance of these directives
is?”
I said, “Mr.
Gaither, I’d like very much to know,” whereupon he made this statement to me:
“Mr. Dodd, we are here operate in response to similar directives, the substance
of which is that we shall use our grant-making power so to alter life in the
United States that it can be comfortably merged with the Soviet Union.”
Well,
parenthetically, Mr. Griffin, I nearly fell off the chair. I, of course didn't,
but my response to Mr. Gaither then was: “Well, Mr. Gaither I can now answer
your first question. You've forced the Congress of the United States to spend
$150,000 to find out what you've just told me.” I said: “Of course, legally,
you're entitled to make grants for this purpose, but I don't think you're
entitled to withhold that information from the people of the country to whom
you're indebted for your tax exemption, so why don't you tell the people of the
country what you just told me?” And his answer was, “We would not think of
doing any such thing.” So then I said, “Well, Mr. Gaither, obviously you've
forced the Congress to spend this money in order to find out what you've just
told me.”
ED GRIFFIN: Mr.
Dodd, you have spoken before about some interesting things that were discovered
by Katherine Casey at the Carnegie Endowment. Can you tell us that story,
please?
NORMAN DODD: Yes,
I’d be glad to, Mr. Griffin. This experience that you just referred to came
about in response to a letter that I had written to the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace,
asking certain questions and gathering certain information. On the arrival of
that letter, Dr. Johnson, who was then president of the Carnegie Endowment,
telephoned me and said, did I ever come up to New York. I said yes, I did more
or less each weekend, and he said, “Well, when you're next here, will you drop
in and see us?” Which I did.
On arrival at
the office of the endowment I found myself in the presence of Dr. Joseph
Johnson, the president – who was the successor to Alger Hiss – two vice presidents, and their own counsel, a partner
in the firm of Sullivan
and Cromwell. Dr. Johnson said, after again amenities, Mr. Dodd, we
have your letter. We can answer all those questions, but it would be a great
deal of trouble, and we have a counter suggestion. Our counter suggestion is: If
you can spare a member of your staff for two weeks and send that member up to
New York, we will give to that member a room in the library and the minute
books of this foundation since its inception, and we think that whatever you
want to find out or that Congress wants to find out will be obvious from those
minutes.
Well, my first
reaction was they'd lost their minds. I had a pretty good idea of what those
minutes would contain, but I realized that Dr. Johnson had only been in office
two years, and the other vice presidents were relatively young men, and counsel
seemed to be also a young man, and I guessed that probably they'd never read
the minutes themselves. So I said I had somebody; I would accept their offer.
I went back to
Washington and I selected a member of my staff who had been a practicing
attorney in Washington. She was on my staff to see to it that I didn't break
any congressional procedures or rules, in addition to which she was
unsympathetic to the purpose of the investigation. She was level-headed and a
very reasonably brilliant, capable lady. Her attitude toward the investigation
was: What could possibly be wrong with foundations? They do so much good.
Well, in the
face of that sincere conviction of Katherine's I went out of my way not to
prejudice her in any way, but I did explain to her that she couldn't possibly
cover 50 years of written minutes in two weeks, so she would have to do what we
call spot reading. I blocked out certain periods of time to concentrate on, and
off she went to New York. She came back at the end of two weeks with the
following on dictaphone tapes:
We are now
at the year 1908, which was the year that the Carnegie Foundation began
operations. In that year, the trustees, meeting for the first time, raised a
specific question, which they discussed throughout the balance of the year in a
very learned fashion. The question is: “Is there any means known more effective
than war, assuming you wish to alter the life of an entire people?” And they conclude that no more effective means
than war to that end is known to humanity.
So then,
in 1909, they raised the second question and discussed it, namely: “How do we
involve the United States in a war?”
Well, I
doubt at that time if there was any subject more removed from the thinking of
most of the people of this country than its involvement in a war. There were
intermittent shows in the Balkans, but I doubt very much if many people even
knew where the Balkans were. Then, finally, they answered that question as
follows: “We
must control the State Department.” That very naturally raises the
question of how do we do that? And they answer it by saying: “We must take over
and control the diplomatic machinery of this country.” And, finally, they
resolve to aim at that as an objective.
Then time
passes, and we are eventually in a war, which would be World War I. At that
time they record on their minutes a shocking report in which they dispatched to President Wilson a
telegram, cautioning him to see that the war does not end too quickly.
Finally,
of course, the war is over. At that time their interest shifts over to
preventing what they call a reversion of life in the United States to what it
was prior to 1914 when World War I broke out. At that point they came to the
conclusion that, to prevent a reversion, “we must control education in the
United States.” They realize that that's a pretty big task. It is too big for
them alone, so they approach the Rockefeller Foundation
with the suggestion that that portion of education which could be
considered domestic be handled by the Rockefeller Foundation and that portion
which is international should be handled by the Endowment. They then decide
that the key to success of these two operations lay in the alteration of the
teaching of American history.
So they
approach four of the then-most prominent teachers of American history in the
country – people like Charles and Mary Byrd – and their suggestion to them is:
will they alter the manner in which they present their subject? And they got
turned down flat. So they then decide that it is necessary for them to do as
they say, “build our own stable of historians.”
Then they
approach the Guggenheim
Foundation, which specializes in fellowships, and say: “When we find
young men in the process of studying for doctorates in the field of American
history and we feel that they are the right caliber, will you grant them
fellowships on our say-so?” And the answer is yes. So, under that condition,
eventually they assembled assemble twenty, and they take this twenty potential
teachers of American history to London, and there they're briefed on what is
expected of them when, as, and if they secure appointments in keeping with the
doctorates they will have earned. That group of twenty historians ultimately
becomes the nucleus of the American Historical Association.
Toward the
end of the 1920's, the Endowment grants to the American Historical Association
$400,000 for a study of our history in a manner which points to what can this
country look forward to in the future. That culminates in a seven-volume study,
the last volume of which is, of course, in essence a summary of the contents of
the other six. The essence of the last volume is: The future of this country
belongs to collectivism administered with characteristic American efficiency.
That's the story that ultimately grew out of and, of course, was what could
have been presented by the members of this Congressional committee to the
congress as a whole for just exactly what it said. They never got to that
point.
ED GRIFFIN: This
is the story that emerged from the minutes of the Carnegie Endowment?
NORMAN DODD:
That's right. It was official to that extent.
ED GRIFFIN:
Katherine Casey brought all of these back in the form of dictated notes from a
verbatimreading of the minutes?
NORMAN DODD: On
dictaphone belts.
ED GRIFFIN: Are
those in existence today?
NORMAN DODD: I
don't know. If they are, they're somewhere in the Archives under the control of
the Congress, House of Representatives.
ED GRIFFIN: How
many people actually heard those, or were they typed up, a transcript made of
them?
NORMAN DODD: No.
ED GRIFFIN: How
many people actually heard those recordings?
NORMAN DODD: Oh,
three maybe. Myself, my top assistant, and Katherine. I might tell you, this
experience, as far as its impact on Katherine Casey was concerned, was she
never was able to return to her law practice. If it hadn't been for Carol Reece's
ability to tuck her away into a job in the Federal Trade Commission, I don't
know what would have happened to Katherine. Ultimately, she lost her mind as a
result of it. It was a terrible shock. It's a very rough experience to
encounter proof of these kinds.
ED GRIFFIN: Mr.
Dodd can you summarize the opposition to the Committee, the Reece Committee and
particularly the efforts to sabotaging the Committee?
NORMAN DODD:
Well, they began right at the start of the work of an operating staff, Mr.
Griffin, and it began on the day in which the Committee met for the purpose of
consenting to or confirming my appointment to the position of Director of
Research. Thanks to the abstention of the minority members of the committee,
that is, the two Democratic members, from voting, technically I was unanimously
appointed.
ED GRIFFIN:
Wasn't the White House involved in opposition?
NORMAN DODD: Not
at this particular point, sir. Mr. Reece ordered counsel and myself to visit
Wayne Hayes. Wayne Hayes was the ranking minority member of the Committee as a
Democrat, so we came to him, and I had to go down to Mr. Hayes's office, which
I did. Mr. Hayes greeted us with the flat statement directed primarily to me,
which was that “I am opposed to this investigation. I regard it as nothing but
an effort on the part of Carol Reece to gain a little prominence, so I'll do
everything I can to see that it fails.” Well, I have a strange personality in
that a challenge of that nature interests me. Our counsel withdrew. He went
over and sat on the couch in Mr. Reece's office and pouted, but I sort of took
up this statement of Hayes as a challenge and set myself the goal of winning
him over to our point of view. I started by noticing on his desk that there was
a book, and the book was of the type that – there were many in these days –
that would be complaining about the spread of Communism in Hungary, that type
of book. This meant to me at least he has read a book, and so I brought up the
subject of the spread of the influence of the Soviet world. For two hours, I
discussed this with Hayes and finally ended up with his rising from his desk
and saying: “Norm, if you will carry this investigation toward the goal as you
have outlined to me, I'll be your biggest supporter.” I said: “Mr. Hayes, I can
assure you that I will not double-cross you.”
Subsequently
Mr. Hayes sent word to me that he was in Bethesda Hospital with an attack of
ulcers, but would I come and see him, which I did. He then said: “Norm, the
only reason I’ve asked you to come out here is I just want to hear you say
again you will not double-cross me.” I gave him that assurance, and that was
the basis of our relationship. Meantime, counsel took the attitude expressed in
these words: “Norm, if you want to waste your time with this guy,” as he called
him, “you go ahead and do it, but don't ever ask me to say anything to him
under any conditions on any subject.” So, in a sense, that created a context
for me to operate in relation to Hayes on my own. As time passed, Hayes offered
friendship, which I hesitated to accept because of his vulgarity, and I didn't
want to get mixed up with him socially under any conditions.
Well, that was
our relationship for about three months, and then, eventually, I had occasion
to add to my staff a top-flight intelligence officer. Both the Republican
National Committee and the White House were resorted to, to stop me from
continuing this investigation in the directions Carol Reece had personally
asked me to do, which was to utilize this investigation, Mr. Griffin, to
uncover the fact that this country had been the victim of a conspiracy. That
was Mr. Reece's conviction. I eventually agreed to carry it out. I explained to
Mr. Reece that Hayes's own counsel wouldn't go in that direction. He gave me permission
to disregard their counsel, and I had then to set up an aspect of the
investigation outside of our office, more or less secret. The Republican
National Committee got wind of what I was doing and they did everything they
could to stop me. They appealed to counsel to stop me, and finally they
resorted to the White House.
ED GRIFFIN: Was
their objection because of what you were doing or because of the fact that you
were doing it outside of the official auspices of the Committee?
NORMAN DODD: No,
their objection was, as they put it, my devotion to what they called
anti-semitism. That was a cooked up idea. In other words, it wasn't true at
all, but anyway, that's the way they expressed it.
ED GRIFFIN: Why
did they do that? How could they say that?
NORMAN DODD:
Well, they could say it, Mr. Griffin, but they had to have something in the way
of a rationalization of their decision to do everything they could to stop the
completion of this investigation in the directions that it was moving, which
would have been an exposure of this Carnegie Endowment story and the Ford Foundation and the Guggenheim and the Rockefeller Foundation,
all working in harmony toward the control of education in the United States.
Well, to secure the help of the White House in the picture, they got the White
House to cause the liaison personality between the White House and the hill, a
Major Person, to go up to Hayes and try to get him to, as it were, actively
oppose what the investigation was engaged in. Hayes very kindly then would
listen to this visit from Major Person; then he would call me and say, “Norm,
come up to my office. I have a good deal to tell you.” I would go up. He would
tell me, “I’ve just had a visit from Major Person, and he wants me to break up
this investigation.” I then said, “Well, what did you do? What did you say to
him?” He said,” I just told him to get the hell out.” He did that three times,
and I got pretty proud of him in the sense that he was, as it were, backing me
up. We finally embarked upon the hearing at Hayes's request, because he wanted
to get them out of the way before he went abroad for the summer.
ED GRIFFIN: Why
were the hearings finally terminated? What happened to the Committee?
NORMAN DODD: What
happened to the Committee or the hearings?
ED GRIFFIN: The
hearings.
NORMAN DODD: Oh,
the hearings were terminated. Carol Reece was up against such a furor with
Hayes through the activity of our own counsel. Hayes became convinced that he
was being double-crossed and he put on a show in a public hearing room, Mr.
Griffin, that was an absolute disgrace. He called Carol Reece publicly every
name in the book, and Mr. Reece took this as proof that he couldn't continue
the hearings. He actually invited me to accompany him when he went down to
Hayes's office and, in my presence with tears rolling down his face, Hayes
apologized to Carol Reece for what he had done and his conduct, and apologized
to me. I thought that would be enough and that Carol would resume, but he never
did.
ED GRIFFIN: The
charge of anti-semitism is intriguing. What was the basis of that charge? Was
there a basis for it at all?
NORMAN DODD: The
basis of what the Republican National Committee used was that the intelligence
officer I’d taken on my staff when I oriented this investigation to the
exposure and proof of a conspiracy was known to have a book, and the book was
deemed to be anti-semitic. This was childish, but this was the second in
command of the Republican National Committee, and he told me I’d have to
dismiss this person from my staff.
ED GRIFFIN: Who
was that person?
NORMAN DODD: A
Colonel Lee Lelane.
ED GRIFFIN: And
what was his book? Do you recall?
NORMAN DODD: The
book they referred to was called Waters Flowing Eastward, which was a
castigation of the Jewish influence in the world.
ED GRIFFIN: What
were some of the other charges made by Mr. Hayes against Mr. Reece?
NORMAN DODD: Just
that Mr. Reece was utilizing this investigation for his own prominence inside
the House of Representatives. That was the only charge that Hayes could think
of.
ED GRIFFIN: How
would you describe the motivation of the people who created the foundations,
the big foundations, in the very beginning? What was their motivation?
NORMAN DODD:
Their motivation? Well, let's take Mr. Carnegie as
an example. He has publicly declared that his steadfast interest was to
counteract the departure of the colonies from Great Britain. He was devoted to
just putting the pieces back together again.
ED GRIFFIN: Would
that have required the collectivism that they were dedicated to?
NORMAN DODD: No,
no, no. These policies, the foundations’ allegiance to these un-American
concepts, are all traceable to the transfer of the funds into the hands of
trustees, Mr. Griffin. It's not the men who had a hand in the creation of the
wealth that led to the endowment for what we would call public purposes.
ED GRIFFIN: It's
a subversion of the original intent, then?
NORMAN DODD: Oh,
yes, completely, and that’s how it got into the world traditionally of bankers
and lawyers.
ED GRIFFIN: How
do you see that the purpose and direction of the major foundations has changed
over the years to the present? What is it today?
NORMAN DODD: Oh,
it’s a hundred percent behind meeting the cost of education such as it is
presented through the schools and colleges of the United States on the subject
of our history as proving our original ideas to be no longer practicable. The
future belongs to collectivistic concepts, and there's just no disagreement on
that.
ED GRIFFIN: Why
do the foundations generously support Communist causes in the United States?
NORMAN DODD:
Well, because to them, Communism represents a means of developing what we call
a monopoly, that is, an organization of, say, a large-scale industry into an
administerable unit.
ED GRIFFIN: Do
they think that they will be the ones to benefit?
NORMAN DODD: They
will be the beneficiaries of it, yes.
[END OF INTERVIEW]
Sullivan and Cromwell
Sullivan &
Cromwell is the lobby firm for the Bank
of New York Mellon Corporation.
Note: Bank
of New York Mellon Corporation was the bailout manager for the 2008-2010 financial bailout.
Robert
P. Kelly was the chairman & CEO for the Bank of New York Mellon Corporation, and a term trustee at the Carnegie Mellon University.
David A. Coulter
is a term trustee at the Carnegie Mellon
University, and was a vice chairman for JPMorgan Chase & Co. (Bailout Company).
Andrew Carnegie
was the endowed predecessor schools for the Carnegie Mellon University, the founder for the Carnegie Museums of Pittsburgh, and the
founder of the Carnegie Endowment for
International Peace (think tank).
Jared
L. Cohon was the president of the Carnegie
Mellon University, a trustee at the Carnegie
Museums of Pittsburgh, a member of the Homeland
Security Advisory Council, and is a director at the Heinz Endowments.
Kenneth
Canterbury is a member of the Homeland
Security Advisory Council, and the president for the Fraternal Order of Police.
Martin
O'Malley was a member of the Homeland
Security Advisory Council, the Baltimore
(MD) mayor, and is the Maryland
state government governor.
Ex-Mayor Martin O'Malley Heckled During Baltimore Riot
Tour (Past Research)
Wednesday, April 29, 2015
Lee
H. Hamilton is a member of the Homeland
Security Advisory Council, a board member for Global Green USA, and an honorary trustee at the Brookings Institution (think tank).
Global Green USA
is a US affiliate of Green Cross International.
Mikhail Gorbachev
is the founder of Green Cross
International, was the general secretary for the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, and the president of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR).
Teresa Heinz
Kerry is a life trustee at the Carnegie
Mellon University, a trustee emeritus at the Carnegie Museums of Pittsburgh, married to the U.S. Department of State secretary John F. Kerry for the Barack Obama
administration, the chair for the Heinz
Endowments, the vice chair for the H.
John Heinz III Center for Science, Economics and the Environment, and an honorary
trustee at the Brookings Institution
(think tank).
Heinz Endowments
was a funder for the Brookings
Institution (think tank).
Carol
R. Brown is a director at the Heinz
Endowments, and a trustee emeritus at the Carnegie Mellon University.
Terry
Collins is a trustee at the H. John
Heinz III Center for Science, Economics and the Environment, and a
professor at the Carnegie Mellon
University.
Robert C. Wilburn
is a professor at the Carnegie Mellon
University, and an advisory council member for the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs.
Anthony
So is an advisory council member for the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs, and a
professor at Duke University.
G. Richard
Wagoner Jr. is the chairman for Duke
University, and was the chairman & CEO for General Motors (Bailout
Company).
David M. Rubenstein
is a trustee at Duke University, and
a co-chairman for the Brookings
Institution (think tank).
John Hope Franklin
was a professor at Duke University, and
the president of the American Historical
Association.
Robert C. Darnton
was the president of the American
Historical Association, and is a library director for Harvard University.
Henry Louis
Gates Jr. was a professor at Duke
University, an honorary trustee at the Brookings
Institution (think tank), and is a professor for Harvard University.
Lawrence H. Summers
is a professor; former president for Harvard
University, was the National Economic Council chairman for the Barack Obama administration, a trustee
at the Brookings Institution (think
tank), and a 2008 Bilderberg conference participant (think tank).
Foundation
to Promote Open Society was a funder for the Brookings Institution
(think tank), the Carnegie Endowment
for International Peace (think tank), and the Roosevelt Institute.
George Soros
was the chairman for the Foundation to Promote Open Society.
Crandall C. Bowles
is a trustee at the Brookings
Institution (think tank), and a director at JPMorgan Chase & Co. (Bailout Company).
Michael P.
Schulhof is an honorary trustee at the Brookings
Institution (think tank), and a trustee at the Solomon R. Guggenheim Foundation.
Jessica Tuchman Mathews was an honorary
trustee at the Brookings Institution (think tank), the president of the Carnegie
Endowment for International Peace (think tank), a director at the American
Friends of Bilderberg (think tank), a trustee at the Rockefeller Foundation, and a 2008 Bilderberg
conference participant (think tank).
Ed Griffin’s interview with
Norman Dodd in 1982
(The investigation into the
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace uncovered the plans for population
control by involving the United
States in war)
Rockefeller
Foundation was a funder for the Brookings
Institution (think tank), and the Carnegie
Endowment for International Peace (think tank).
James
A. Leach was a trustee at the Carnegie
Endowment for International Peace (think tank), and a visiting professor at
the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and
International Affairs.
Ford Foundation
was a funder for the Carnegie Endowment
for International Peace (think tank).
Alger
Hiss was the president of the Carnegie
Endowment for International Peace (think tank), and attended the Yalta Conference with Franklin Delano Roosevelt (FDR).
Joseph
Stalin attended the Yalta Conference,
and a premier for the Union of Soviet
Socialist Republics (USSR).
Mikhail Gorbachev
was the president for the Union of
Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), a general secretary for the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, is
the founder of Green Cross International,
and an advisory board member for the Wheelchair
Foundation.
Global Green USA
is a US affiliate of Green Cross
International.
Lee
H. Hamilton is a board member for Global
Green USA, a member of the Homeland
Security Advisory Council, and an honorary trustee at the Brookings Institution (think tank).
Kenneth
Canterbury is a member of the Homeland
Security Advisory Council, and the president for the Fraternal Order of Police.
Martin
O'Malley was a member of the Homeland
Security Advisory Council, the Baltimore
(MD) mayor, and is the Maryland
state government governor.
Ex-Mayor Martin O'Malley Heckled During Baltimore Riot
Tour (Past Research)
Wednesday, April 29, 2015
Jared
L. Cohon was a member of the Homeland
Security Advisory Council, the president of the Carnegie Mellon University, a trustee at the Carnegie Museums of Pittsburgh, and is a director at the Heinz Endowments.
Anna Eleanor
Roosevelt is an advisory board member for the Wheelchair Foundation, the chair for the Roosevelt Institute, and James
Roosevelt’s daughter.
James
Roosevelt was Anna Eleanor Roosevelt’s
father, and Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s
son.
Franklin
Delano Roosevelt was James Roosevelt’s
father, attended the Yalta Conference
with Alger Hiss, the president of
the Franklin Delano Roosevelt
administration, and a member of the Phi
Beta Kappa Society.
Woodrow Wilson was
a member of the Phi Beta Kappa Society,
and the president of the Woodrow Wilson
administration.
Samuel
Anthony Alito Jr. is a member of the Phi
Beta Kappa Society, and a justice for the U.S. Supreme Court.
Stephen G. Breyer
is a member of the Phi Beta Kappa
Society, and a justice for the U.S.
Supreme Court.
Ruth Bader
Ginsburg is a member of the Phi Beta
Kappa Society, and a justice for the U.S.
Supreme Court.
Elena
Kagan is a member of the Phi Beta
Kappa Society, and a justice for the U.S.
Supreme Court.
Anthony M. Kennedy
is a member of the Phi Beta Kappa
Society, and a justice for the U.S.
Supreme Court.
Sonia Sotomayor
is a member of the Phi Beta Kappa
Society, and a justice for the U.S.
Supreme Court.
John G. Roberts
Jr. is the chief justice for the U.S.
Supreme Court, and the chancellor for the Smithsonian Institution.
Joseph R. Biden Jr.
is a regent for the Smithsonian
Institution, and the vice president for the Barack Obama administration.
National
Museum of American History is a member of the Smithsonian Institution.
National
Museum of Natural History is a member of the Smithsonian Institution.
David M.
Rubenstein is a board member for the National
Museum of American History, a board member for the National Museum of Natural History, a regent for the Smithsonian Institution, the co-chairman
for the Brookings Institution (think
tank), and a trustee at Duke
University.
John Hope
Franklin was a professor at Duke
University, and the president of the American
Historical Association.
Anthony
So is a professor at Duke University,
and an advisory council member for the Woodrow
Wilson School of Public and International Affairs.
Robert C. Wilburn
is an advisory council member for the Woodrow
Wilson School of Public and International Affairs, and a professor at the Carnegie Mellon University.
Robert
P. Kelly was a term trustee at the Carnegie
Mellon University, and the chairman & CEO for the Bank of New York Mellon Corporation.
Bank
of New York Mellon Corporation was the bailout manager for the 2008-2010 financial bailout.
Sullivan &
Cromwell is the lobby firm for the Bank
of New York Mellon Corporation.
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